We’re asked this question more often than you might think: Why North Cyprus when there is Mallorca? Both islands offer sunshine, the sea and a Mediterranean lifestyle. They are also roughly the same size – and yet they are surprisingly different. Mallorca feels more familiar, accessible and European in the way it is organised. North Cyprus feels more unspoilt, affordable and adventurous. We’re not here to persuade you to choose one over the other. Instead, we want to offer the most honest comparison possible – including the advantages and disadvantages of both. One note before we begin: In this article, “better” simply means more pleasant or practical for many Germans. Your personal preferences may lead you to a completely different conclusion – and that’s absolutely fine. If you’d like, tell us what you think in the comments. 10 Things Mallorca Does Better Easier Travel Mallorca can be reached directly from many German airports, with flights usually taking only two to two and a half hours. To reach North Cyprus, you either have to fly via Turkey to Ercan Airport or travel through the south of Cyprus and continue by road. This takes extra time, which you may not have on a short holiday. Greater Legal Certainty Mallorca is part of Spain and therefore fully integrated into the European Union. Germans benefit from clear EU regulations, freedom of movement and more predictable administrative procedures. North Cyprus, by contrast, is recognised as an independent state only by Turkey. This can create uncertainties, although thorough research and expert advice can help you understand and manage them. Healthcare Coverage The European Health Insurance Card generally applies in Mallorca. Germans with statutory health insurance can use it to receive medically necessary treatment within the public healthcare system. Additional travel health insurance is still advisable. For North Cyprus, you need to check your insurance coverage individually. Better Public Transport Mallorca has a well-developed bus and rail network. Palma and many popular holiday destinations can be reached without having your own car. In North Cyprus, however, a rental car is almost essential for getting around independently. A Wider Range of Choices Mallorca offers an enormous selection of hotels, restaurants, shops, leisure activities, doctors and other services. From simple rural accommodation to luxurious hotels, almost everything is available. More German-Speaking Services Mallorca has German-speaking doctors, lawyers, schools, media outlets, estate agents, tradespeople and established German-speaking communities. This can make settling in much easier, even if your Spanish is not yet particularly good. Better Access to German Consular Assistance There is a German consular representation in Palma. If you lose your documents or face another emergency, responsibilities and procedures are generally clearer. In North Cyprus, the diplomatic situation is more complicated due to its political status – and that is also part of the truth. Greater Variety of Landscapes Mallorca combines impressive mountains, dramatic cliffs, sandy beaches, secluded coves, vineyards and vibrant towns within a relatively compact area. The Tramuntana mountains also offer outstanding opportunities for hiking and cycling. A Broader Cultural Scene Palma has museums, galleries, theatres, concerts and an extensive restaurant scene. Festivals and cultural events are also regularly held outside the capital. Greater Predictability for Expats Taxes, social security, health insurance, work permits and residency rights are governed by Spanish and European law. The bureaucracy can certainly be frustrating, but German citizens will generally find the system easier to understand than the one in North Cyprus. So far, Mallorca has had the advantage in almost every respect: legal certainty, accessibility and infrastructure. But now let’s change perspective, because the point at which Mallorca reaches its limits is exactly where the appeal of North Cyprus begins for many people. 10 Things North Cyprus Does Better More Peace and Authenticity Many parts of North Cyprus remain much less developed for tourism. You can still find stretches of coastline, villages and landscapes that have not yet been completely shaped by international mass tourism. Less Mass Tourism During the high season, Mallorca’s beaches, roads and attractions can become extremely busy. In North Cyprus, you are more likely to find quiet coves and peaceful places even during the summer. More Affordable Housing Rents and property prices in North Cyprus are generally considerably lower than in Mallorca, particularly outside the most desirable coastal locations. In this respect, North Cyprus can feel a little like Mallorca did 40 years ago. Lower Everyday Costs Local restaurants, services, markets and certain leisure activities are often more affordable. Imported goods, cars and some branded products, however, can sometimes cost just as much as they do in Mallorca. An Earlier Warm Spring and a Longer Warm Autumn North Cyprus lies farther east and south. The sea often remains pleasantly warm well into autumn, while winters along the coast frequently feel milder than those in Mallorca. Spring also tends to become warm earlier. The flowering season is a particularly beautiful time of year, made all the more special by the island’s extensive areas of unspoilt nature. More Personal Hospitality Many visitors experience their encounters with local people as especially warm, spontaneous and uncomplicated. In small restaurants and villages, you may find yourself in conversation much more quickly than in many other holiday destinations. More Space by the Sea Outside the main residential areas, the coastline feels more spacious and less organised. There are far fewer beach clubs, rows of sun loungers and commercial attractions – creating a more genuine connection with nature. If you dream of enjoying a romantic picnic for two on the beach, North Cyprus can offer exactly that: no crowds, just the two of you and the natural surroundings. The Karpaz Peninsula The sparsely populated northeast, with its long beaches, unspoilt countryside and free-roaming donkeys, is truly special. It is difficult to find anywhere in Mallorca that offers a comparable sense of remoteness. Ancient Sites Without Large Crowds Places such as Salamis, Soli, Vouni, St Hilarion Castle and Bellapais Abbey can often be explored in remarkable peace. For us, the combination of history, landscape and relatively few visitors is one of the greatest strengths of North Cyprus. The Feeling of Discovering Something New Many Germans are already familiar with Mallorca. North Cyprus, by contrast, still holds the appeal of the unknown. If you enjoy adapting to different customs, driving on the left, using several currencies and occasionally having to improvise, you may experience a much stronger sense of discovery here. North Cyprus remains one of the Mediterranean’s least developed island regions. What This Means for Your Decision Mallorca is better suited to people looking for comfort, direct connections, EU law, good infrastructure and a wide variety of leisure activities. North Cyprus is better suited to people who value peace, lower costs, warmth, unspoilt landscapes and a less structured way of life. From our perspective, Mallorca will usually be the more convenient choice for a short and uncomplicated holiday. North Cyprus, on the other hand, may be more appealing to individual travellers, people seeking peace and quiet, and anyone hoping to spend two weeks or longer in the Mediterranean. When it comes to buying property, Mallorca has the advantage of EU legal regulation. North Cyprus is certainly more attractive in terms of price, but any purchase requires particularly careful due diligence. Ultimately, the question is not which island is objectively better. It is about which way of life suits you. We know both islands well and love them both dearly. We can happily recommend either destination for a holiday. We would love to hear which island wins your heart. If North Cyprus appeals to you, you’re also very welcome to subscribe to our newsletter. In our other articles, we regularly explore what living in North Cyprus really means. So if you are currently wondering which island might suit your next holiday or the next chapter of your life, take a look at our articles about moving to North Cyprus. With love, Samira & Marten

AfD member of parliament Maximilian Krah travelled to Northern Cyprus at the end of August for political and social talks. He and his hosts hope for an end to international restrictions. KI generiertes Bild If you follow our articles on the Cyprus issue, you'll know the pattern: we usually write about secretaries-general, presidents, or entire delegations. At the end of August, however, the visit came from a different direction. Maximilian Krah, a member of the AfD in the German Bundestag, traveled to Northern Cyprus at the invitation of the Cumhuriyet Meclisi, the Assembly of the Republic, for a working trip lasting several days. His publicly documented appointments began on August 25 and extended until at least August 28, 2026. For the Northern Cypriot side, this visit held special significance that is easily underestimated from the outside. International encounters of this kind are rare – the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus is recognized as a state only by Turkey. Therefore, every foreign parliamentarian who deals with politics, economics and society on the ground is seen as an opportunity to make their own perspective known beyond the island. Krah himself emphasized before his trip that the visit did not signify recognition of Northern Cyprus by Germany. He wanted to gather information on the ground, engage in parliamentary dialogue, and raise awareness of the situation of Turkish Cypriots in Germany and Europe ( Cyprus Mail ). Who Krah met A key companion of Krah was UBP MP Hasan Taçoy, who represents Northern Cyprus in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. Taçoy was present at numerous meetings and had helped prepare the trip ( Cyprus Mail ). Krah first met with Parliament Speaker Ziya Öztürkler. The discussion focused primarily on the political isolation of the Turkish Cypriot community, the lack of direct contact, and restrictions on travel and international sporting events. Öztürkler expressed her hope that the visit would bring these issues more attention in Germany and Europe ( North Cyprus Information Office ). Prime Minister Ünal Üstel also received the German member of parliament. Üstel presented the North Cypriot perspective on the decades-long Cyprus conflict and advocated for the Turkish Cypriots to be recognized as an independent political partner ( North Cyprus Information Office ). Foreign Minister Tahsin Ertuğruloğlu explained the government's position to Krah: sovereign equality of both sides and a solution based on the existence of two states. The discussion also touched on the Real Estate Commission, which is handling claims from former Greek Cypriot owners in the north. Ertuğruloğlu also spoke about arrests related to real estate transactions and their impact on the North Cypriot economy ( North Cyprus Ministry of Foreign Affairs ). Important for context: Krah also held talks with the opposition Republican Turkish Party (CTP ) . This means the trip wasn't limited to representatives of the ruling UBP and the two-state solution – the CTP traditionally favors a federal solution to the Cyprus problem. Therefore, focusing solely on the government meetings doesn't provide a complete picture of this trip. Other participants in the discussions included the then Minister of Transport, Erhan Arıklı, the Turkish Cypriot Chamber of Industry ( Haber Kıbrıs ), and the Association of Construction Contractors ( KTIMB ). The discussions focused on economic restrictions, the lack of direct trade opportunities, the real estate sector, and how Northern Cypriot companies could establish better connections with Europe. Krah stated that he intended to raise these issues with his party and in the Bundestag upon his return. On August 28, he visited the Association of Turkish Cypriot Municipalities. Among those attending the meeting were the association's president and mayor of Güzelyurt, Mahmut Özçınar, as well as other mayors ( North Cyprus Information Office ). The idea of establishing partnerships between North Cypriot and German municipalities arose during the conversation – a thought that has particularly stuck in our minds because such municipal connections can actually emerge independently of major political processes. The program also included a visit to the Turkish Cypriot Football Federation. President Hasan Sertoğlu briefed Krah on the international isolation of Northern Cypriot football ( KTFF ). At the end of the visit, the member of parliament received a Northern Cypriot national team jersey bearing his name. What the hosts hope to gain from this visit Three expectations in particular are repeated in the statements of the hosts, and it is worthwhile to look at them individually. The first is greater visibility. Representatives of Northern Cyprus want European politicians to visit the island, speak with both sides, and contribute their impressions to the public debate. Even a direct visit is seen as a step out of political isolation. The second hope concerns practical relationships: contacts between business associations, municipalities, universities, clubs, or cultural institutions. Such connections would not constitute diplomatic recognition, but they could enable new encounters and collaborations for the people in the north – precisely the kind of everyday connection that, in our articles on the Cyprus question, has repeatedly presented to us as the truly viable element of rapprochement. The third and greatest expectation is political in nature: a relaxation of the isolation, even leading to international recognition of Northern Cyprus. Krah expressed understanding for the demand for direct contact and described the difficulties faced by Turkish Cypriots as unacceptable. He said the people and their institutions deserved recognition. At the same time, he clarified that his trip itself did not constitute official recognition. What of this can actually become reality A sober assessment is worthwhile here, because there is often a great distance between what a visit can trigger and what it actually changes. Realistically, Krah will raise the issue within the AfD parliamentary group, in the Bundestag, and in his political circles. He is a full member of the Bundestag's Committee on European Union Affairs and a substitute member of the Committee on Human Rights and Humanitarian Aid ( German Bundestag ). He can ask questions, support parliamentary initiatives, and invite interlocutors to Berlin. Further trips by individual members of parliament or informal parliamentary contacts are also possible. Municipal partnerships, events, business forums, and encounters in the sports or cultural sectors could also develop from such discussions. However, these must be structured legally and politically in such a way that they are not perceived as official state recognition. Direct trade or air links are considerably more difficult to establish. The approval of a member of parliament, and even a resolution from their parliamentary group, is insufficient – such steps affect German law, EU regulations, international aviation agreements, and relations with the Republic of Cyprus, and would require decisions from the German government, European institutions, or international organizations. German recognition of Northern Cyprus is highly unlikely in the foreseeable future. The United Nations Security Council, in its resolutions 541 of 1983 ( UN Document Archive ) and 550 of 1984 ( UN Document Archive ), called upon the international community not to recognize the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which was declared in 1983. The European Union continues to support a bizonal, bi-communal federation with political equality ( European Council ). Krah's sympathy for the Northern Cypriot position does not alter this stance or German foreign policy. Furthermore, there is a point that should not be overlooked amidst all the attention surrounding the visit: Krah belongs to the AfD. While it is the largest opposition party in the Bundestag, it does not form the federal government. His trip was neither a delegation trip of the Bundestag nor a visit on behalf of the Foreign Office. His statements therefore represent the position of a member of parliament, not the position of Germany. A political signal, but not yet a breakthrough. The visit could still have consequences. International isolation often begins to crumble where people start talking to each other again, and Krah has given representatives of Northern Cyprus a platform and listened to their concerns. For his hosts, that in itself is a success. Whether this leads to more will be shown by concrete steps: Will other members of parliament travel to the island? Will the municipal partnerships envisioned in Güzelyurt actually materialize? Will business representatives or sports associations find new partners in Germany? And will the topic be discussed publicly in the Bundestag beyond this single trip? The realistic value of this trip, for now, lies in these contacts and in bringing more attention to an island that rarely receives international attention. Krah alone cannot bring about recognition of Northern Cyprus or a fundamental change in European Cyprus policy – we have tried to make this as clear as possible above. His visit has opened a door for talks. How far it opens depends on many other political actors, and ultimately on whether both sides of the island can find a viable path for their shared future. We will continue to monitor whether anything concrete actually comes of the ideas initiated in Güzelyurt and among the business associations. We wish MP Maximilian Krah and the North Cypriot political community every success and courageous solutions to forge a strong connection from this initial meeting. Anything is possible. All love Samira & Marten Sources Cyprus Mail: Report on Krah's meeting with Parliament Speaker Ziya Öztürkler and Hasan Taçoy Information Office of Northern Cyprus: Meeting with Parliament Speaker Ziya Öztürkler Information Office of Northern Cyprus: Meeting with Prime Minister Ünal Üstel Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Northern Cyprus: Meeting with Foreign Minister Tahsin Ertuğruloğlu Turkish Ajansı Kıbrıs: Visit to the opposition CTP Haber Kıbrıs: Visit to the Turkish-Cypriot Chamber of Industry Association of Construction Contractors: Discussion about the construction industry and international contacts Information Office of Northern Cyprus: Visit to the Association of Turkish Cypriot Communities Turkish Cypriot Football Association: Krah's visit to the association German Bundestag: Biography and committee memberships of Maximilian Krahs European Council: Position on bizonal, bi-municipal federation United Nations: Resolution 541 from 1983 United Nations: Resolution 550 from 1984

A visit that goes far beyond a mere reception. Introduction: On Wednesday evening, the atmosphere at the Rocks Hotel in Kyrenia will be political. Maximilian Krah, a member of the German Bundestag for the AfD (Alternative for Germany), is visiting Northern Cyprus, invited by the Parliament of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. The title of the evening says it all: "A European Voice for the Turkish Cypriot People." What sounds like a simple reception touches upon an issue that has plagued this island for decades. When we sit at the port of Girne and talk to people, this conversation always comes up sooner or later: Why is it that here everyone knows every institution, every election, every authority of their daily lives, and yet you hear so little about it out in the world? This very question will be on the agenda again on Wednesday at the Rocks Hotel, only this time with a German member of parliament as a guest. A reception, not a trip on behalf of Berlin The framework is clearly defined, and this is precisely what warrants a closer look. Krah is not coming as a representative of the German Federal Government, nor on behalf of the German Bundestag. The Bundestag's Human Rights Committee had previously rejected an originally planned official working trip, for the second time. ( Report on the two rejections of the planned Bundestag trip) Nevertheless, Krah is traveling as an individual member of parliament, at the invitation of the North Cypriot Parliament, on Wednesday, August 26, starting at 7:30 p.m., with the invitation stating that the trip is scheduled to end around 11:00 p.m. ( Invitation to a reception for Maximilian Krah in Kyrenia) His position on the matter leaves little room for interpretation. Krah says that the people of Northern Cyprus deserve international recognition of their state, their institutions, and their legal system; he considers the current status quo unsustainable. Krah's demand for international recognition of Northern Cyprus For many people here, this is not an abstract political formula. International recognition would change everyday life in many ways: in travel, trade, international cultural events, sports, and the ability to speak directly with other countries and institutions. At the same time, it would represent a serious break with the existing order regarding the Cyprus question: The European Union and almost all states in the world continue to recognize only the Republic of Cyprus as the legal entity under international law for the entire island; only Turkey recognizes the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus as a separate state. The European Union's position: recognition of only the Republic of Cyprus. Krah's visit changes nothing about this situation; a reception in Kyrenia does not constitute diplomatic recognition by Germany. Nevertheless, it has political significance because a German parliamentarian is so openly addressing the demand for recognition and speaking with government representatives and members of civil society on the ground. Who has the right to be visible? The dispute over a music festival The visit comes at a time when the international struggle over Northern Cyprus is manifesting itself elsewhere. Just a few days ago, the Serbian organizer EXIT withdrew from the planned Nexus Festival at Kyrenia Castle, which was scheduled for September 18th and was intended to bring international electronic music to Girne. EXIT withdraws from the planned Nexus Festival at Kyrenia Castle According to reports from the south, the withdrawal was preceded by a targeted diplomatic initiative from the Republic of Cyprus. Report on the diplomatic efforts of the Republic of Cyprus prior to the withdrawal of EXIT. From a southern Cypriot perspective, the underlying concern is that large international cultural events in the north could bolster political structures that are not recognized. From a North Cypriot perspective, the cancellation is yet another example of how even culture, encounters, and music are being drawn into the conflict. The real tension lies between these two viewpoints, and it has little to do with borders or agreements in the narrow sense: it's about who is allowed to be visible, who is invited, and whose reality is even acknowledged internationally. What a gain in political significance would change, and what it wouldn't. The evening with Maximilian Krah won't solve these questions. But it will make it clear that they are once again being discussed more openly. Anyone who would like to experience him in Kyrenia can attend the reception at the Rocks Hotel on Wednesday from 7:30 pm. And what if a party like the AfD were to gain significantly more political influence in Germany in the future? Recognition of Northern Cyprus would not automatically follow. Foreign policy in Germany is shaped by the federal government, not by individual parliamentary groups, and such a step would bring Germany into open conflict with the current stance of the European Union, the United Nations, and the Republic of Cyprus. [ EU's position on the legal situation and the Green Line] However, a stronger political force demanding this recognition could change the debate in Berlin and increase the pressure to no longer view the North Cypriot perspective solely from a distance. Perhaps that is precisely the true significance of this visit. It brings back to Kyrenia a question that has preoccupied many here for decades: How long can a society exist in everyday life, with its own institutions, its own government, and a clear voice, and yet still be barely heard internationally? All love Samira & Marten Sources Invitation to the reception for Maximilian Krah in Kyrenia, August 26, 2026 Krah's demand for international recognition of Northern Cyprus The originally planned trip to the Bundestag was rejected twice. EXIT withdraws from the planned Nexus Festival at Kyrenia Castle Report on the diplomatic efforts of the Republic of Cyprus prior to the withdrawal of EXIT The EU's assessment of the legal situation and the Green Line Position of the European Union: Recognition only of the Republic of Cyprus

Opening lines: Today is August 16th . For most news agencies, a day like any other, but for Cyprus, one with a double meaning: in 1960 , a unified state was born here at midnight; in 1974, on the same date, the ceasefire came into effect that still divides the island today. We took a closer look at the day – and rediscovered a third story, one that is missing from most retrospectives: that of the Soviet Union . Driving through hot Cyprus today, hardly anyone thinks about 1960. The flags, commemorative plaques, and conversations in the cafes revolve almost exclusively around 1974. Yet, the truly interesting question lies precisely in between: How did a state that was supposed to belong jointly to both ethnic groups collapse within just fourteen years – and which major power was pulling the strings behind the scenes, a power that is hardly ever mentioned today? 1960: One state for two communities On the night of August 16, 1960, British colonial rule over Cyprus ended . The new republic was founded on the Zurich and London Agreements. Archbishop Makarios III became president, and the Turkish Cypriot Fazıl Küçük vice president. The Turkish Cypriot community was not an ordinary minority, but an equal partner in the constitution – with fixed shares in parliament, administration and the police. Three states also assumed a guarantor role : Greece, Turkey, and Great Britain. They were to protect Cyprus's independence, territorial integrity, and constitutional order. At the same time, they were to prevent Cyprus from either being united with Greece – Enosis – or partitioned between Greece and Turkey – Taksim . London never fully withdrew. The military bases at Akrotiri and Dhekelia remained British territory and remain so to this day. Nevertheless, this continuing British responsibility is addressed far less frequently in the public narrative than Turkey's role. Cyprus conflict – Wikipedia, on the guarantor powers Moscow is involved The simplistic explanation that the Soviet Union simply supported Enosis in the 1950s is too simplistic. Indeed, Moscow repeatedly supported the Greek demand for self-determination for the Cypriot population at the United Nations. This was driven by anti-colonial convictions, but also by geopolitical calculation: the conflict weakened the cohesion of the NATO partners Greece, Turkey, and Great Britain and put pressure on London in a strategically important colony. This is described, among other things, by the historian Marios Tasoulas in his study of Greek-Soviet relations from 1956 to 1960. (Tasoulas: The Role of the Cyprus Issue in Greek-Soviet Relations 1956–1960, RUDN Journal) The Soviet position on Enosis remained contradictory. A Cyprus united with Greece would ultimately have become part of a NATO member state. For Moscow, therefore, the outcome of Enosis was not necessarily decisive, but rather the conflict that the demand triggered within the Western alliance. TASAM: The Cyprus Issue in USSR–Turkish Republic Relations With independence in 1960, the Soviet priority shifted. A free, non-aligned Cyprus without Western military ties became more attractive to Moscow than union with Greece. Makarios maintained close relations with the Soviet Union, Cyprus joined the Non-Aligned Movement, and with AKEL, the island possessed one of the most influential communist parties outside the Eastern Bloc. Olgun's thesis: Cyprus as the "Cuba of the Mediterranean" Former Turkish Cypriot negotiator Mustafa Ergün Olgun devotes particular attention to the Soviet role in his 2025 book *Betrayal – The Other Side of the Cyprus Case*. Olgun is not an uninvolved voice: he experienced the Cyprus conflict firsthand, was wounded in the process, and later served in leading negotiating roles under Rauf Denktash, Derviş Eroğlu, and Ersin Tatar. A review in the Cyprus Mail accordingly contextualizes his book as one of several deliberately diverse perspectives on the conflict—not as a neutral, comprehensive account. Cyprus Mail: Cyprus has no shortage of histories, contextualization of Olgun and his book His focus is not on Soviet planning for the later division. Rather, he examines how Moscow strengthened the Greek Cypriot leadership during the crisis of 1963/64. According to Olgun, Makarios relied on political and military support from the Soviet Union and from Gamal Abdel Nasser's Egypt. Moscow saw in a Greek Cypriot-dominated state an opportunity to expand its influence through the powerful communist AKEL, exacerbate tensions within NATO, and gain a foothold in the Eastern Mediterranean. In his book, Olgun describes an assurance given by the Soviet ambassador in February 1964, as well as the landing of Soviet weapons via Egypt – according to his account, by three Russian ships on February 23, 1964, in the port of Famagusta. Other archive-based research also confirms Olgun's statements. Czechoslovakian arms shipments to Makarios were described precisely during this period. The Soviet Union, through its fraternal state of Czechoslovakia, played a significant role in keeping Makarios in power by supplying him with weapons, thus enabling him to build up special police forces as a counterweight to the Greek-controlled National Guard. (See Bešta: Czechoslovakia and the 'Cyprus issue' 1960–1974, Middle Eastern Studies and Mustafa Ergün Olgun: *Betrayal – The Other Side of the Cyprus Case.) According to Olgun's interpretation, this support boosted the confidence of Makarios and the Greek Cypriot leadership. At the same time, declassified US documents, independent of Olgun's account, confirm that concerns were growing in Washington and London that a victory for Makarios would strengthen the Soviet position in the Mediterranean and that of the communists in Cyprus, bordering on the fear of a "Cuba of the Mediterranean," even though this term itself originates from Olgun's book. In the final chapter, Olgun formulates his thesis particularly sharply: Makarios, in alliance with the Soviet Union, used the opportunity to turn Cyprus into a "Cuba of the Mediterranean" if the West did not accept the order that had emerged after the collapse of the common government structure. Olgun directly links this situation to UN Security Council Resolution 186 of March 4, 1964. The resolution created the basis for the UN peacekeeping force UNFICYP and treated the then exclusively Greek Cypriot-led administration practically as the government of the Republic of Cyprus. From a Turkish Cypriot perspective, this had a serious consequence: Turkish Cypriots lost their international status as equal founding partners and increasingly appeared only as a community within a Greek Cypriot-represented state. Olgun's central thesis is therefore: The Western powers wanted to prevent a war between Greece and Turkey, protect NATO's southeastern flank, and avoid a stronger Soviet presence in Cyprus. Under this pressure, a decision was reached that permanently shifted the balance of power on the island in favor of the Greek Cypriot side. This interpretation is controversial. However, it reveals how closely the internal Cypriot constitutional conflict was linked to the fears and interests of the Cold War. No architect of the division The Soviet Union was therefore not a minor player. However, it cannot be described as the secret architect of the geographical division of 1974 either. Moscow initially strengthened Makarios and the Greek Cypriot power position because a non-aligned and pro-Soviet Cyprus suited its interests. When the Greek military junta supported the 1974 coup against Makarios in order to forcibly impose Enosis, the Soviet Union opposed this plan and officially defended the independence and territorial integrity of Cyprus. Moscow reacted with remarkable restraint to the subsequent Turkish military operation. A scholarly study by John Sakkas and Natalya Zhukova describes this Soviet self-restraint and concludes that Moscow tolerated Turkish policy, at least temporarily, for geopolitical reasons. Sakkas/Zhukova: The Soviet Union, Turkey and the Cyprus Problem, 1967–1974, Cairn.info The resulting division weakened NATO's southeastern flank and deepened the conflict between Greece and Turkey. The Soviet Union had not demonstrably planned the division, but was able to derive strategic benefits from its consequences . How 1974 overshadowed the common beginning The order of 1960 lasted only until 1963. The common government structure broke apart, leading to inter-communal violence, murder and expulsion, and finally to the deployment of the UN peacekeeping force. In July 1974, the military junta in Athens supported the coup against Makarios. Turkey intervened, invoking the guarantee treaty. On August 14, the second offensive began, and two days later a ceasefire came into effect. Turkish troops then controlled approximately 37 percent of the island. bpb.de : The partition of Cyprus – a never-ending conflict? For Greek Cypriots, 1974 still represents invasion, displacement, and loss of property. For Turkish Cypriots, the intervention is largely seen as a protective and peacekeeping operation. Both sides remember the same date – just from opposite perspectives. August 16, 1960, is increasingly being forgotten because the founding of the state brings to mind a fact inconvenient for both narratives: the Republic of Cyprus was originally intended as a single state . A date disappears The Republic of Cyprus officially celebrates its independence not on August 16th, but on October 1st. The date was changed in the early 1960s, partly due to summer heat and the holiday season. The actual birthday thus lost its visibility. At the same time, the same day acquired a second, considerably more painful meaning through the 1974 armistice. The trauma of the division has overshadowed the memory of the joint founding. Russia today: less influence, still veto power Of Moscow's former influence, primarily institutional power remains today. Greece is firmly anchored in NATO and the European Union. The Republic of Cyprus has also become more Western-oriented and has supported the European sanctions against Russia since 2022. Olgun points out that the Russian navy previously had access to facilities in the port of Limassol. Since the Russian attack on Ukraine, the sanctions, and the closer military cooperation between the Republic of Cyprus and the United States, this possibility has ceased. He explicitly leaves open the question of whether this will lead to a permanent shift in Moscow's stance towards the Greek Cypriot side. Russia has therefore not disappeared from the Cyprus conflict. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, it still possesses veto power – relevant for resolutions concerning UNFICYP and for the international safeguarding of a potential peace settlement. However, its former operational power to shape policy in Cyprus and Greece has diminished significantly. Russia can still block decisions, but its ability to shape policy is considerably reduced. One day, two almost forgotten stories The year 1960 tells of a difficult beginning together, the year 1974 of its failure. In between stands a major power that never occupied Cyprus, but used the island for decades as a stage for systemic rivalry. The suffering caused by the expulsions on both sides is not diminished by this geopolitical perspective. But those who think only of 1974 easily overlook the fact that there was a moment in 1960 when this island was meant to belong to both communities jointly. And those who only look at Greece, Turkey and Great Britain overlook a fourth force: the Soviet Union, whose support for Makarios, whose influence on Western security thinking and whose role in the UN Security Council helped to shape the political development of the island. We'll keep you posted. All love, Samira & Marten Sources - Mustafa Ergün Olgun: *Betrayal – The Other Side of the Cyprus Case. An Account of the Cyprus Issue and the UN Facilitated Settlement Process from 1960 to 2025*. Palgrave Macmillan/Springer Nature, 2025, especially Chapter 3, pages 26–29 and 36–37, and Chapter 22, pages 633–635. [DOI and publisher's edition](https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-95742-0) - [Cyprus Mail: Cyprus has no shortage of histories – Olgun and his book are considered one of several perspectives](https://cyprus-mail.com/2026/06/21/cyprus-has-no-shortage-of-histories) - [Bešta: Czechoslovakia and the 'Cyprus issue' in the years 1960–1974, Middle Eastern Studies – independent, archive-based classification of Eastern Bloc arms deliveries](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00263206.2020.1860944) - [Marios Tasoulas: The Role of the Cyprus Issue in Greek-Soviet Relations 1956–1960, RUDN Journal](https://journals.rudn.ru/international-relations/article/view/25963) - [TASAM: The Cyprus Issue in USSR–Turkish Republic Relations](https://tasam.org/en/Icerik/72629/the_cyprus_issue_in_the_ussr-turkish_republic_relations) - [John Sakkas/Natalya Zhukova: The Soviet Union, Turkey and the Cyprus Problem, 1967–1974](https://shs.cairn.info/revue-les-cahiers-irice-2013-1-page-123?lang=en) - [Federal Agency for Civic Education: Division of Cyprus – a never-ending conflict?](https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/hintergrund-aktuell/188336/teilung-zyperns-ein-nicht-endender-konflikt/) - [Cyprus conflict – Overview of guarantor powers and development](https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zypernkonflikt)

Opening credits: Today is August 14, 2026. Cyprus is not at the top of any world news story, and yet this one day tells seven completely different stories at seven different ends of the world. We placed them side by side as they actually sound today: from Northern Cyprus, from Turkey, from the south of the island, from Greece, from the west, from Israel and from Russia. Driving through Girne today, Turkish and Northern Cypriot flags hang more densely than usual from some houses. August 14th is not just any day here. It's the day in 1974 when the second phase of the Turkish military operation began, and depending on whom you ask, this date marks either the beginning of a rescue or a loss. Both narratives persist to this day, often just a few kilometers apart. Northern Cyprus tells its story In the official Turkish Cypriot and Turkish national narrative, the focus today is on the "second peace operation": the capture, or as it is called here, the liberation of Famagusta, Lefke, and Serdarlı. This is accompanied by the commemoration of the Turkish Cypriot victims of Muratağa, Sandallar, and Atlılar, villages whose names every child here knows. But there is another voice from Northern Cyprus, and we believe it is important to take it just as seriously. Federalist and left-leaning groups describe August 14th as the day of the island's final division. They criticize Turkey, as well as Great Britain, the USA, Greece, and nationalist forces on both sides. An article by Yenidüzen succinctly summarizes this opposing view: the demand for an independent, united Cyprus and sharp criticism of economic and political foreign domination. Yenidüzen on the alternative interpretation of August 14th. Political reality lies between these two poles. The official side advocates for sovereign equality and a two-state solution, while the opposition still considers a bizonal, bicommunal federation a possibility. Recent UN contacts have generated some movement, but have not yet resulted in a joint 5+1 meeting for formal negotiations. Turkey tells Anyone opening the news in Ankara or Istanbul today will find Cyprus not as a distant island, but as a family issue. Turkey itself is not only speaking as the motherland and guarantor power in the background, but with its own very active voice. On the 52nd anniversary of the second phase of the operation, both the Turkish Directorate of Communications (İletişim Başkanlığı) and the Ministry of Defense issued their own messages commemorating the "brutally killed Turkish Cypriot compatriots," the fallen martyrs, and the veterans still living. [ Kıbrıs Postası on the message of the Turkish Directorate of Communications] President Erdoğan also personally addressed the Turkish Cypriot people on social media, reaffirming his support. This rhetoric is not a mere footnote: just in July, Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan had celebrated the operation as a guarantee of the "freedom, security, and future" of the Turkish Cypriots, while Erdoğan reiterated that Turkey would never abandon the Turkish Cypriots "as their motherland and guarantor power." Cyprus Mail on Erdoğan's assurance This very combination, coupled with Ankara's continued advocacy for a two-state solution instead of federal reunification, is making some NATO partners increasingly nervous. Back in July, Erdoğan hinted at a possible personal visit for the anniversary, but recent Turkish reports suggested he would not be traveling there today. Turkish Minute on the speculation about an Erdoğan visit Even beyond official pronouncements, the Turkish press today presents a very uniform narrative. State-affiliated media outlets like Anadolu and TRT consistently refer to the "Kıbrıs Barış Harekâtı," the Cyprus peace operation, focusing on three key aspects: the protection of the Turkish Cypriot population, the failure of the Geneva negotiations, and the advance on Famagusta and Lefke as the foundation of current security. In the current Cyprus crisis, this press position now barely supports the idea of federal reunification. Instead, it calls for recognition of the “sovereign equality” of the Turkish Cypriots and a solution based on two states, while the Republic of Cyprus usually only appears as the “Greek Cypriot administration of Southern Cyprus” and is blamed for the standstill. Southern Cyprus tells its story On the other side of the island, the same anniversary is remembered in a mirrored way. For the Republic of Cyprus, August 14th marks the day of the second phase of the Turkish invasion, the occupation of Famagusta, and the permanent displacement of large parts of the Greek Cypriot population, estimated by the UN to be between 150,000 and 200,000 people. Therefore, it is treated here less as an ordinary news day and more as a day of remembrance. For the sake of completeness, it should be mentioned that this narrative rarely includes the fact that in 1974, approximately 45,000 to 60,000 Turkish Cypriots also left the south and moved to the north, a part of the same tragedy, only told from the opposite direction. Politically, everything currently revolves around resuming negotiations. Following the recent visit of the UN Secretary-General, the Greek Cypriot side emphasizes that talks must continue where they left off in 2017. The Turkish side, however, reiterates that there is currently no common ground, as these negotiations were broken off by the Republic of Cyprus at that time. Overview by the Cypriot public broadcaster RIK · Cyprus News Agency Alongside these more everyday concerns, the island faces ongoing worries: inflation and weaker growth prospects as a result of the Middle East war, electricity supply, heat protection and forest fire prevention, pension reform, the aspired Schengen accession, and high housing costs. And even now, the island is preparing for tomorrow: August 15th is an important Orthodox holiday, and in many places, the holiday quiet period is already beginning. Government offices, transportation, and resorts are gearing up for a long weekend. Greece tells In Athens, August 14th is firmly enshrined in the political calendar, every year. Greece, too, speaks with a very clear voice today. On the 52nd anniversary of the second phase of Operation Attila, Defense Minister Nikos Dendias declared that the Cyprus question remains a matter of illegal military occupation and commemorated the fallen Greek and Cypriot brothers who fought for the freedom of Cyprus. [Cyprus Mail on Dendias' statement] As early as the first anniversary at the end of July, Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis described the day as an "open wound" and spoke of an "ongoing crime of illegal occupation," coupled with the assurance that Greece fully supports the Republic of Cyprus and a solution based on international law and UN resolutions. [ProtoThema English on Mitsotakis' statement] The Greek press also maintains a consistent tone: it consistently refers to "Attila 2," the occupation of 37 percent of Cypriot territory, and an ongoing reality of occupation, while consistently framing Cyprus as a sovereign EU member state whose territory remains illegally occupied. (See Lykavitos.gr for coverage of the 52nd anniversary.) The West tells its story (GB, USA, GER, FR) From here, from Northern Cyprus, this block sometimes seems strangely detached, almost like a weather report about a country where you live. We deliberately chose not to divide it into four separate chapters. While England, the USA, Germany, and France all view Cyprus with their own interests, at its core they are telling the same story: Cyprus as a security and energy policy hub in the Eastern Mediterranean, less as a separate conflict with its own history. It's more about "mining rights" than about "human rights." This is most tangible in England , because of the sovereign military bases of Akrotiri and Dhekelia. Since the Iranian drone attacks in March, a fundamental debate has been underway there: Can the bases be adequately protected? Are they drawing the entire island into regional conflicts? Was the Cypriot government informed in a timely manner? Does its status need to be renegotiated in the long term? The Republic of Cyprus emphasizes that British military decisions affect the security of the entire island, while London highlights the defensive and regional importance of the bases. This is not a top British issue today, but with any new escalation in the Middle East, Akrotiri is likely to immediately resurface in the headlines. Official British Cyprus website In the US , Cyprus currently appears primarily in the context of regional security and the Iran conflict, British bases, American-Israeli military logistics, energy supplies in the Eastern Mediterranean, and the proposed visa-free travel program. Most recently, American and Cypriot representatives explicitly discussed regional security, migration, and the visa waiver process. Cyprus News Agency on the American-Cypriot talks The American perspective is pragmatic: Cyprus is valued less because of its internal conflict and more because of its location between Europe, Israel, Egypt, Lebanon and the Middle East. Germany and France complete this picture without fundamentally altering it. In Germany, Cyprus currently appears primarily as an EU member and mediator in the Eastern Mediterranean, as a potential future Schengen state, as a holiday destination fraught with heat and security concerns, and as the location of British bases. The escalation surrounding Akrotiri has changed perceptions: Cyprus is no longer seen solely as a holiday island, but increasingly as a potential outpost of European security and Middle East policy. In France, the strategic autonomy of Europe, Franco-Cypriot defense cooperation, and TotalEnergies' involvement in the Kronos gas field are paramount, along with clear support for the Republic of Cyprus against Turkish demands. France thus views Cyprus simultaneously as an EU partner, an energy partner, and a security anchor. Israel tells Israel is the sixth voice, and Russia follows immediately as the seventh, both of which have almost nothing to do with the old conflict of 1974. Each side views the island through three distinct lenses. As a security and military partner, Cyprus is considered a strategically important neighbor vis-à-vis Turkey, with increasingly close security cooperation. As an energy partner, the Kronos gas field is of particular interest, a component of a regional energy infrastructure whose gas is intended to be distributed via Egyptian facilities. Jerusalem Post – Cyprus Special Report And as a place to live, invest, and escape to Europe, Cyprus is now also causing political friction. An Israeli election poster in Limassol recently sparked criticism; some Cypriots see it as a sign of growing foreign influence. Cyprus Mail on the poster debate. There is no major new headline today, but the long-term trend is clear: Cyprus has become more important to Israel economically, energetically, and militarily. Russia tells Russia, too, tells a significantly more independent story today than, for example, Germany or France, only a much colder one than in the past. Russian media currently cover Cyprus primarily through four themes: sanctions and frozen Russian assets, extraditions and trials of Russian citizens, real estate purchases and relocations of residence, and the loss of former Russian economic and financial privileges. Remarkably, despite sanctions, Russian nationals remain among the leading foreign property buyers in Cyprus, while state-affiliated Russian media increasingly portray the Cypriot government as part of Western sanctions policy. (Russiyskaya Gazeta – Cyprus section) The general mood is noticeably cooler than before 2022: Cyprus is no longer a preferred partner for Russia, but remains relevant as a real estate, business and residential location. One day, many truths Seven stories, one date. For Northern Cyprus and Turkey, August 14th means protection and self-determination. Invasion and expulsion for southern Cyprus and Greece, for the West, further proof of the island's strategic location, for Israel a growing partner in security, energy and the economy, For Russia, this represents the loss of a once privileged position. Neither of these stories invalidates the other, and neither precludes the possibility that people on both sides have lost their homes. Together, they explain why such a small island carries such political weight. The real momentum currently lies with the UN initiative. There are renewed contacts and public optimism, but still no breakthrough on the crucial question: federal reunification or permanently two separate states. Today, the anniversary primarily keeps the old narratives alive. How long this will continue depends not on this August 14th, but on the outcome of the next round of talks. We'll keep you posted. All love, Samira & Marten Sources Kıbrıs Postası: Message from the Turkish Directorate of Communications on the 52nd anniversary Cyprus Mail: Erdoğan's assurance to Turkish Cypriots Turkish Minute: Speculation about a possible Erdoğan visit for the anniversary Cyprus Mail: Statement by Defense Minister Dendias on August 14 ProtoThema English: Statement by Prime Minister Mitsotakis Lykavitos.gr : Greek press coverage of the 52nd anniversary Yenidüzen: alternative interpretation of August 14, North Cypriot federalist perspective RIK: Greek Cypriot public broadcaster Cyprus News Agency Jerusalem Post – Cyprus topic page Cyprus Mail: Debate over Israeli election poster in Limassol Cyprus News Agency: American-Cypriot talks on security, migration, visa waiver Official British Cyprus website ( gov.uk ) Russiyskaya Gazeta – Cyprus topic page

Opening sequence: They stand in the middle of the road, curiously poking their heads through car windows, and for many visitors, they are as much a part of the Karpaz Peninsula as Golden Beach and the Monastery of Apostolos Andreas. Now, the wild donkeys of Northern Cyprus are to be captured and moved to controlled protected areas. What initially sounds like the end of a Cypriot idyll is, in reality, an attempt to protect the Karpaz donkeys, the natural environment, and the people of the region from the consequences of a situation that has remained unresolved for decades. As we drive along the long road to the top of the Karpaz Mountains, we always encounter them before reaching the northeasternmost point of Cyprus and seeing the blue, rocking sea once more. A dark donkey waits by the roadside, a second immediately steps onto the asphalt. Sometimes there are small donkeys as well. We drive slowly, stop, tentatively open a window, and offer one of the carrots we bought in Dipkarpaz as a toll. It's one of those little scenes that visitors and travelers later like to recount when describing their experiences in Northern Cyprus. But behind this almost fairytale-like image lies a growing problem. At the beginning of July, authorities in northern Cyprus began rounding up free-roaming Karpaz donkeys outside designated areas. The animals are to be taken to prepared facilities, examined by a veterinarian, treated if necessary, and microchipped. They will then live in fenced, controlled areas. Male animals will be sterilized to limit reproduction and reduce aggressive behavior. Contrary to some headlines, this does not mark the end of the Karpaz donkey. However, it could be the end of its largely uncontrolled life on roads, fields, and in sensitive natural areas. From workhorse to landmark The Karpaz donkeys are not strictly speaking wild animals, even though they are often referred to as such. They are feral descendants of domesticated working animals. For many generations, donkeys in Cyprus carried grain, olives, and carob, pulled loads, and were an almost indispensable part of daily life for farming families. With the advent of tractors and trucks in the 1960s and 70s, they lost their economic role. Some animals remained behind after the island's division in 1974 or were later reunited in the remote village of Karpaz. Over the years, this unique concept has become an attraction alongside Golden Beach. From former domestic animals emerged a free-roaming population, and from it, one of the most iconic images of Northern Cyprus. The donkeys became photographic subjects, unofficial tour guides, and a kind of living memory of the island. Those who know their story see them as more than just a pretty holiday photo: they tell of agriculture and modernization, but also of flight, separation, and lives left behind in a hectic, wistful, even angry way. That's precisely why this new measure affects us so deeply when we talk to people about it. A fenced-in Karpaz donkey doesn't quite fit the image of Cyprus's last untamed landscape. But freedom alone is not animal welfare, and it's at this point that the real balancing act begins. When the postcard idyll becomes dangerous On the Karpaz Peninsula, the animals search for food and water, encroaching on agricultural land and damaging crops. According to officials, they also harm endemic plants and watering holes used by migratory birds. Dangerous encounters and accidents occur repeatedly on the roads, especially at night when the unlit animals are difficult to spot. Northern Cyprus has seen an increase in visitors due to the economic boom, leading to more conflicts – therefore, new solutions must be developed. Unfortunately, as is so often the case, the donkeys themselves are paying the price. Injured animals are not always found and cared for in time. In February, for example, a donkey died from gunshot wounds after necessary help was delayed. Before and after this incident, reports of animals being killed caused outrage. At the same time, some voices from affected villages even called for the population to be eradicated. The conflict has thus long since become more than a tourist footnote: farmers fear for their harvests, animal rights activists for the lives of the donkeys, and conservationists for a fragile landscape. There is too much fighting – too little space for plants, donkeys, and harvests. Added to this is a behavior that, while well-intentioned, can nevertheless exacerbate the problem: feeding the donkeys at the roadside, precisely the scene we described at the beginning. Where cars regularly mean carrots, bread, or other food, the animals learn to wait on the road and actively approach vehicles. This increases the risk of accidents, alters their natural foraging behavior, and can make them dependent on humans. What is a pleasant moment for us as visitors can become a dangerous habit for the donkeys. Unfortunately, it's well-intentioned but poorly executed. It's the same old story when humans encounter animals and, in doing so, change the course of their lives. A plan designed to protect three sides The current initiative didn't come out of nowhere. Back in 2023, the Ministry of the Environment in the north, the municipality of Yenierenköy-Dipkarpaz, and Taşkent Doğa Park signed an agreement for what is now known as the Karpaz Donkey Management project. An eleven-member scientific panel with representatives from government agencies, veterinary services, universities, and civil society was to oversee the project. After delays in funding and preparation, the program has now entered its practical phase. His approach is fundamentally understandable. Animals are not killed, but rather registered and given medical care; the population is to be stabilized slowly without violent intervention, while simultaneously relieving pressure on agriculture, traffic, and sensitive habitats. Whether this will truly become a humane and sustainable solution, however, will only be determined in practice, not on paper. For this to work, the designated areas must be large enough and offer shade, water, food, and places to retreat. The program must not fail after a few months due to lack of funds. Sterilizations require proper anesthesia, aftercare, and documentation. And transparent figures are needed: How many animals were admitted, how many were treated or sterilized, what is the mortality rate, and what are the actual effects of the measure on vegetation, agriculture, and traffic? The sheer number of Karpaz donkeys illustrates the vast gap in our knowledge. A 2003 field study estimated the population at approximately 800 to 900 animals across 132 square kilometers. A Reuters report in 2017 cited an expert estimate of around 2,000. Other, considerably more recent tourist sources report significantly smaller numbers. The current management program report does not include a new, comprehensive census. Will Karpaz still be Karpaz? We fully understand the concern that with the wild donkeys of Northern Cyprus, a part of the soul of the Karpaz Peninsula could also disappear. For us, the crucial question is whether and where these lovable animals should be allowed to roam freely. The decisive factor is whether it is possible to provide them with a good life without pitting other animals, rare plants, and the people of the region against each other. Well-managed, spacious reserves could still offer opportunities for encounters, but in a safer and more responsible way. You could still observe the animals and learn their stories without luring them to roads. Veterinary checks would detect suffering earlier. Revenue from responsible wildlife tourism could be reinvested in the care, feeding, and protection of the landscape. If poorly implemented, however, a different outcome is likely: small, overcrowded enclosures, high running costs, lack of control, and the loss of a defining landscape feature. The fence itself is therefore neither the solution nor the problem. What matters is what happens inside and outside that fence. The Karpaz donkeys are not merely decorative elements of a holiday landscape for us. They are living beings and, at the same time, a piece of Cypriot cultural history. It was fascinating to experience how unregulated a country can be. Until now, no one seemed to mind, and everyone knew how to fulfill their responsibilities: young people on their way to their meeting place by the sea at sunset, the hunters, and even the then smaller number of tourists. But times are changing, and now new solutions are needed for the wild donkeys of Northern Cyprus. Their fate shows how quickly a symbol can turn into a conflict when the population grows and responsibility is postponed for too long. We love the donkeys of Karpaz The situation is different now, and we will all have to live with it. The wild, carefree years are likely over for the donkeys and for the visitor experience. There will be more order, more documentation, and less of a "let's just take it easy" attitude. So, if you still want to experience the wild donkeys of Karpaz, make the most of the time you have left. But please be sensitive to the animals, the beautiful nature, and this unique moment. All love Samira & Marten Sources Cyprus Mail, July 3, 2026: End of the road for the wild, free-roaming Karpasia donkey. Agreement on Karpaz donkey management, August 2023: Environmental Administration, Municipality of Yenierenköy–Dipkarpaz and Taşkent Doğa Park; reports, among others, on Zirve Kıbrıs. Euronews/Reuters, August 22, 2017: Meet the donkeys in Cyprus orphaned by war. Visit North Cyprus: Background on the agricultural history and the two common types of Cyprus Donkey. Scientific field study on the population dynamics of feral donkeys in the Karpaz, published in 2005 based on the survey from 2003.

Guterres is preparing for the next round of negotiations – and the ownership issue is becoming leverage. Those who love this island are experiencing two movements simultaneously this summer. One is quiet: UN Secretary-General António Guterres is preparing a new round of talks on the Cyprus issue. The other is loud: The Republic of Cyprus is taking legal action against developers and real estate agents in the north, and in some places, people are imprisoned as a result. Both belong to the same moment. We are familiar with this coexistence in Northern Cyprus. In the morning, the market in Iskele smells of melons and fresh bread, while somewhere in Nicosia, a lawyer discusses a case that has remained unresolved for years. Both are real. Both are part of the island we look at when we write about Northern Cyprus. This summer, something we have been observing for a long time is coming to a head: For the first time in years, a confirmed next step in the Cyprus issue is on the table. António Guterres wants to convene a new, expanded meeting in the 5+1 format. At the table would be the two Cypriot communities, the guarantor powers Greece, Turkey, and the United Kingdom, as well as the United Nations. The date is not yet set. This is not a minor matter; it's part of the method. What needs to happen before the big round Guterres apparently wants to convene the parties only when sufficient ground has been made: demonstrable progress on confidence-building measures, clarity about the process, and a shared understanding of what previous talks should build upon. Following his visit at the end of July, both Cypriot sides and the three guarantor powers declared their willingness to continue working precisely on this. The progress already made in previous rounds should not be lost in the process. This has shifted the focus of the question. Previously, the question was often whether a new round of talks would even take place. Now, the question is what results need to be available for Guterres to actually convene them. The issues on which this will be decided are familiar to us from Northern Cyprus because they directly affect everyday life here: new crossings over the Green Line, the elimination of remaining mine hazards, better cooperation in the search for missing persons, facilitating trade and freedom of movement, joint solar and energy projects, coordinated assistance in forest fires, cooperation on water and wastewater, and a reliable route for Turkish Cypriot Hellim producers to the European market. These are not peripheral issues for a distant peace agreement. They are the political stress test before the conference. A new transition will show whether both sides can overcome a practical deadlock. A common agreement on fire, electricity, or water proves that administrations can act across the divide. Progress on the missing and landmines touches upon the most painful consequences of the conflict; precisely for that reason, it carries so much weight. Once these projects are agreed upon, signed, and implemented, the process gains a credible foundation. If even small steps stall, it's a warning sign: those who can't agree on everyday matters will hardly make easier progress when it comes to property, security, guarantees, and the sharing of power. The question of ownership returns with full force. While the United Nations seeks to build trust, the Republic of Cyprus has significantly increased legal pressure on the real estate business in the north. Since the end of 2023 and 2024, respectively, several developers, lawyers, and real estate agents have been arrested, extradited, charged, or convicted. Nicosia justifies these procedures by citing the need to protect Greek Cypriot landowners who were forced to relinquish property in the north in 1974. From the Republic of Cyprus's perspective, no one may build on these plots, sell apartments, or advertise such properties without the consent of the registered owners. European arrest warrants can also be executed outside of Cyprus. The Turkish Cypriot side views this same approach as a politically motivated criminalization of their economy and an attempt to shift the property issue from negotiations to the criminal courts. How could Northern Cyprus have rebuilt its country after 1974 without a solution to this dispute at that time? For decades, a commission (Immovable Property Commission), recognized both within the Republic of Cyprus and internationally, has been in place to financially compensate for these properties. These two perspectives should not be conflated. The property rights of the displaced are internationally recognized. At the same time, the European Court of Human Rights has recognized the Immovable Property Commission established in the north as a legitimate legal avenue for Greek Cypriot claims. It can address compensation, exchange, or, in certain cases, restitution. Furthermore, in the first and only case, Apostolides v. Orams, the European Court ruled that a judgment by a court of the Republic of Cyprus concerning land in the north can, in principle, be recognized and enforced in another EU member state. So there are rights, legal avenues, and international decisions. The political question arises where a growing number of criminal proceedings fall directly into this new phase of negotiations with the UN, precisely at the time when trust should be built. The Most Important Cases We are deliberately listing these cases in a sober manner. They concern people whose proceedings are, in some cases, still ongoing, and an industry that provides the economic foundation for many families in the north. Shimon Mistriel Aykut. The Israeli, Portuguese and Turkish citizen was arrested in June 2024 while crossing from the north to the south. His Afik group of companies had developed large residential complexes in the north. In October 2025, he pleaded guilty to 40 charges and was sentenced to five years in prison. According to the Cypriot authorities, the case concerned around 400,000 square metres of land in four villages and a development value of more than €38 million. The prosecution described the judgment as a warning to the industry, while the Turkish Cypriot side portrayed it as an attack on a key sector of the north’s economy. Associated Press on the judgment The German real estate agent Ewa K. Her case is currently receiving particular attention in Germany. She was arrested on 7 July 2024 after arriving at Larnaca Airport. The allegation: brokering properties in the north on land registered to Greek Cypriots. The case is also explosive because she spent an exceptionally long time in pre-trial detention. A Cypriot court later ruled that the seizure of her luggage and the search of her electronic devices had been unlawful, and the corresponding evidence was declared inadmissible. This did not automatically bring the proceedings themselves to an end. Philenews on the exclusion of the evidence. The BILD report presents the case from her perspective and makes the human hardship of her detention visible. However, it does not replace the still-pending judicial assessment of the allegations themselves. The case escalated further today. Ewa K. has now been in pre-trial detention for 26 months. Her fifth application for bail was rejected in early August 2026, once again with reference to the complexity of the proceedings. The German Embassy in Nicosia subsequently lodged a formal protest and, according to the Cyprus Mail, described her treatment as a violation of her human rights, but has so far been unsuccessful. Her lawyer, Soteris Argyrou, now describes the proceedings as politically motivated and points to public statements made by President Christodoulides about precisely this type of case. Ewa K. herself recently rejected an offer to plead guilty to lesser charges as part of a deal. Two Hungarian intermediaries. In 2025, they pleaded guilty to advertising, in return for commission, properties in projects that, according to the prosecution, had been built on Greek Cypriot land. They were sentenced to prison. The government of the Republic of Cyprus expressly presented the judgments as a signal against the growing trade in disputed properties. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cyprus on the convictions Akan Kürşat. The Turkish Cypriot lawyer was arrested in Italy at the end of 2023 on the basis of an older European arrest warrant and extradited to the Republic of Cyprus in 2024. He faced numerous charges relating to construction projects on Greek Cypriot property. The proceedings were later suspended indefinitely after a key witness died. His case demonstrates how much personal and political pressure an arrest warrant can generate, even when it ultimately does not result in a conviction. Further proceedings involved, among others, a Ukrainian citizen and another Israeli citizen. In 2025, the Republic of Cyprus expanded its search for the first time to include Turkish citizens believed to be connected with larger projects in the north. Associated Press: overview of the property proceedings in 2025 Property protection or negotiating with all available means? These proceedings have an undeniable political impact. They increase the risk for international investors, brokers, and developers. They strike at the heart of one of the most important drivers of growth in the north, a sector whose influence on many families and livelihoods can be recognized even during a short holiday visit. And they demonstrate that the international recognition of the Republic of Cyprus has a reach that the north lacks: access to the EU legal system, European arrest warrants, and internationally recognized courts. Who represents the law of Northern Cyprus internationally? One can therefore speak of a legal means of exerting pressure. "Blackmail" would be too broad a statement of fact as long as there is no evidence that the government and judiciary are deliberately steering proceedings in exchange for political concessions. However, as a political perception in the north, the term is real and consequential. The other side also reacted harshly. The arrest of five Greek Cypriots in the north in July 2025 on espionage charges was widely seen as retaliation for the property proceedings. This threatens a vicious cycle: each side declares its own actions as law enforcement and those of the other as political hostage-taking. This is precisely the cycle that the new round of negotiations must break if it truly wants to achieve anything. Why the major powers now want a solution Cyprus is no longer simply situated between two ethnic groups and three guarantor powers. The island lies at a geopolitical crossroads between Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa, and those who live here feel this in more ways than just the news. The United Kingdom maintains two sovereign military bases, Akrotiri and Dhekelia, together covering approximately 98 square miles (about 6% of the island), as permanent strategic locations for operations in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East. The British government explicitly describes its contribution to European and regional security as essential. (House of Commons Library on British bases) For the European Union, the Republic of Cyprus is simultaneously a member state, an external border, an energy partner, and a bridge to the Middle East. The island holds the EU Council Presidency in 2026. Its gas fields are intended to open up new supply sources for Europe via Egypt, with the first Cypriot gas deliveries targeted for the first half of 2028. (Associated Press on the energy plans) Turkey has security, economic, and domestic political interests in the north. Greece views the security of the Republic of Cyprus as a national and European issue. The US and Israel are interested in regional stability, energy infrastructure, and secure transport routes. For the United Nations, progress in Cyprus would be one of the few tangible diplomatic successes in an increasingly unstable region. All of this creates greater pressure to find a solution than just a few years ago. However, this doesn't automatically guarantee an agreement. The same major powers sometimes pursue conflicting interests. Strategic importance can foster compromise, but it can also turn an island into an arena for foreign rivalries. For us, the honest assessment remains: A solution has become more geopolitically valuable and more politically likely. But it is not guaranteed. How we will know if there is real progress We will be keeping an eye on five things in the coming weeks: An official date for the 5+1 meeting is needed. Only then will the announcement become a concrete diplomatic roadmap. Signed agreements regarding transitions and day-to-day projects are required. Letters of intent are no longer sufficient. How to deal with compromises already reached. Will previous compromises be maintained or reopened? How to handle property disputes. Will ongoing legal proceedings become a nuisance, or can a political framework be found that protects individual rights and enables a comprehensive solution? The position of the guarantor powers: Greece, Türkiye, and Great Britain must enable a joint conference without using it to further their own conflicts. What remains when we look at it from the island? We are writing about Northern Cyprus because we have come to know this island as a place with its own distinct character, not just as a line in international diplomacy. That is precisely why this moment touches us doubly. The political direction is clear: Guterres wants to bring the parties back to the table; both Cypriot sides and the guarantor powers have agreed to the preparations, and international interests in security, energy and stability give this additional weight. At the same time, every available means is being used to fight for the starting position. The Republic of Cyprus is using the reach of its recognized legal jurisdiction against transactions involving disputed property. The north is resisting politically and legally and has responded with arrests. The property issue has thus long since become part of the power struggle before the actual negotiations even begin. Whether an agreement ultimately emerges will not be decided by optimistic speeches. It will be decided by the next signatures, the opened border crossings, the cleared minefields, and the problems solved together. Guterres is currently gathering political ammunition for the next round. Those involved must now demonstrate that they are providing him with arguments for convening the meeting, and not new reasons to postpone it again. As with every chapter about this island, we remain committed to this approach: with affection for the people here, and with respect for the complexity of what remains unresolved. All love Samira & Marten

In the height of summer, tourists and residents of Northern Cyprus often live on the same island, yet experience two different times of day. While some lie on the beach in Alagadi or Escape at midday, others only go to the sea or into the ocean at sunset. This is more than just a habit; it's an adaptation to the island's climate. Those visiting Northern Cyprus for the first time in July or August usually don't want to waste a single day. The sea off Girne shimmers in the morning, the sun loungers on the beach await, and the parasols are ready at the beach clubs between Alsancak and Bafra. A week's holiday is short. Every free afternoon feels precious. Those who live here permanently, however, have a different perspective on the day. The sea isn't going anywhere, and the next beautiful evening is just around the corner. For many residents, the beaches remain more of a backdrop than a destination during the hottest hours. They do their shopping early in the morning, retreat at midday, and reappear in the evening. They arrange to meet later for dinner. Swimming is best enjoyed when the sun is already low in the sky but the water is still warm. It's the same summer. Only the rhythm is different. The vacation condenses time Tourists understandably have different requirements. A hotel room, often air conditioning, perhaps a pool, but above all, a limited timeframe. Beach, excursions, cafes, and restaurants have to fit into just a few days. As a result, their vacation often follows a packed schedule: breakfast in the morning, then a trip to the beach, an excursion in the afternoon, and dinner out in the evening. For the people who live on the island, three months at this pace would be almost unbearable. They have to work, shop, cook, sleep, and manage the next morning. Air conditioning, water, and electricity aren't included in a hotel's fixed price, but are part of the monthly bill. And you can't just leave an overheated house for a week. Those who live here have therefore learned not to fight against the summer, but to manage their own energy. This doesn't mean that every resident of Northern Cyprus has the same daily routine or that every tourist is unreasonable. Many travelers are very careful to protect themselves, and some who live here have to work outdoors, especially in the hottest weather. The difference lies primarily in perspective: tourists want to experience summer to the fullest. Those who live here have to make it habitable year-round. The hours that one leaves to the sun For example, for the period from August 5th to 15th, the Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus has issued a clear rule: Between 12 pm and 4 pm, it is not permitted to work outdoors under constant direct sunlight. Those most affected are people working on construction sites, in agriculture, and in municipal services, who can shift their shifts into the early morning hours these days. With temperatures well over 40 degrees Celsius, a cultural custom becomes a health necessity. The sea can be deceptive. Wind, water, and light clothing create a cooling effect, while the body remains exposed to the sun and heat. Sunburn often develops unnoticed, especially on the beach, and alcohol, dehydration, and prolonged exposure to the sun further exacerbate the problem. The smarter summer day in Northern Cyprus therefore begins earlier. A swim between seven and nine in the morning doesn't feel like a sacrifice in Northern Cyprus. The water off Alagadi or Lake Karpaz is calm, the beaches are still empty, and even in August the temperature is pleasantly warm. Afterwards, there's time for breakfast, the market in Girne, or running errands. The hottest hours can be spent in a shady café, visiting an air-conditioned museum, relaxing at the hotel, or simply taking a break. Around 6 p.m., the island transforms. The light softens. Families arrive at the beach, people sit in front of their houses, and in the village center of Esentepe, or especially in Girne's harbor, life truly begins. Anyone who goes into the sea at sunset quickly understands why many locals voluntarily skip midday. You don't lose the day; you gain its most beautiful part. July: Summer is getting serious in Northern Cyprus By July, the carefree days of early summer are usually over. The earth dries out, the sun is high in the sky, and the risk of forest fires in the hills around Bellapais and the Karpaz increases. Daily life now requires a reliable routine. Those living in Northern Cyprus do physical work as early as possible. Shutters and curtains remain closed during the day, and rooms are ventilated during the cooler night and morning hours. Water bottles should be kept in the car, and children, the elderly, and animals must never be left in a parked vehicle, not even for a few minutes. This has often proven fatal in Germany—in Northern Cyprus, the risk is significantly higher. For holidaymakers, July is the time when a well-planned day offers more enriching experiences than a packed schedule. An early morning among the ruins of Salamis, a leisurely lunch in the shade, and a late visit to the beach are more in keeping with the island than hours spent hiking in the midday sun. August: Not every day has to be won August is the height of summer. Nights remain warm, concrete buildings trap heat, and electricity consumption rises due to the many air conditioners. Water also becomes a matter of shared responsibility. Short showers, watering the garden sparingly, and using cooling consciously may seem like small things individually. But over weeks and across many households, they add up. For people living in Northern Cyprus, August is often a month of patience. Life slows down, big projects are put on hold, and meetings start later. Meals are light and often eaten in the evening. Those with elderly neighbors or relatives living alone tend to get in touch more frequently during these weeks. Holidaymakers should enjoy August, and that doesn't mean making the most of every hour. An afternoon nap isn't wasted vacation time. It can be the reason why you can truly enjoy the evening in the harbor of Girne or at a village festival in the hinterland. Moderation is also advisable when it comes to alcohol. A cold beer or a glass of wine is part of the holiday experience for many, but it's no substitute for water in extreme heat. Staying well-hydrated and being careful with alcohol and highly caffeinated drinks remain crucial. September: The light becomes softer, summer lingers In September, the atmosphere changes. The large tourist rush subsides, some beaches, like Golden Beach in Karpaz, become quieter, and the evenings become more pleasant. The sea has retained the warmth of the past months. For many people on the island, the best time for swimming is now beginning. Nevertheless, September is not a reliable autumn month. Hot days and high UV exposure remain possible, and the landscape is parched after the long summer. Sunscreen, water, and caution with open flames continue to be essential. For travelers, September often offers the best compromise. Early morning excursions are more pleasant, the restaurants in Girne and Gazimağusa remain lively, and the sea is inviting for swimming well into the evening. Residents slowly begin to leave their windows and doors open for longer periods. The rhythm of the day lengthens without immediately becoming typical of autumn in Europe. Heat is also a social issue The heat of a North Cypriot summer feels different in an air-conditioned hotel than in a house without air conditioning, a penthouse apartment, on a construction site, or in a small shop. Those on vacation can temporarily buy their way out of the heat. For residents, income, location, insulation, and occupation determine how stressful these months will be. Therefore, looking out for one another is also part of the island's summer culture. People check on elderly neighbors, put out water for stray dogs, and take official fire warnings seriously. Food is not left for long in a hot car or unrefrigerated on the table. In case of severe headache, unusual weakness, dizziness, rash, nausea, or circulatory problems, the affected person should be immediately taken to a cool, shady room and gently cooled. Confusion, loss of consciousness, Life in Northern Cyprus as the day grows quieter Perhaps the best way to understand Northern Cyprus is in the summer, if you stop trying to conquer the midday hours. Then the day begins with an early coffee. The windows are closed before the heat seeps into the house, and by midday life becomes smaller and slower. Towards evening, doors and terraces open, children play outside again, and the first tables are occupied along Girne's harbor promenade. People stand in the warm water by the sea and watch the sun disappear behind the Beşparmak mountains. Tourists and residents are experiencing the same island at this moment. Some have learned to let go of a day's vacation. Others have long known that summer isn't decided at midday. Northern Cyprus is no less vibrant in July, August, and September. It just lives later. All love Samira & Marten Sources Kıbrıs Postası: Work break to protect against extreme heat World Health Organization: Heat and health WHO Europe: Recommendations during the 2026 heat waves Emergency numbers in Northern Cyprus

In the photographs from Stockholm's Metropolitan Museum of Art, they stand close together: men with helmets, shields, and raised arms, charioteers, horses, bulls, and beings that defy easy categorization. Some figures are barely larger than a hand, others reach almost to a person's hip. No two faces are alike. Many of these clay figures were once painted red and black, and on some, this color lingers to this day like a faint memory. This island never ceases to amaze us, and Agia Irini is one of the stories that truly captivated us during our research. Those seeing the pictures for the first time might think of it as a small Cypriot relative of the famous Terracotta Army of Xi'an. This idea leads both to the right and the wrong conclusion: Right, because what you see here is indeed a large community made of clay. Wrong, as soon as you suspect Agia Irini was an army for a ruler. These figures did not guard an imperial tomb. They were gifts from people to a deity – placed in the earth of a sanctuary over generations. A priest, a field, and a discovery that continues to occupy researchers to this day. Agia Irini lies on the north coast of Cyprus, west of Kyrenia; the village now bears the Turkish name Akdeniz. In the summer of 1929, one of the most remarkable excavations of the Swedish Cyprus expedition began there, and, as so often in archaeology, chance was the true discoverer: The priest Papa Prokopios had noticed fragments of ancient figurines on his land and taken one of them to Nicosia. It was this tip from the village that led the scholars to the site, above all Einar Gjerstad, who headed the Swedish expedition and later published the find himself. Subsequent excavations revealed a rural sanctuary: a large, approximately triangular temenos with a series of buildings on its north and east sides. More than 2,000 figures and groups of figures stood around an altar or a sacred stone. Research dates the use of the site from approximately the 12th century to the end of the 6th or the beginning of the 5th century BC, with most of the surviving terracotta figures belonging to the Archaic period ( Lund University: The archaeological collection of Ayia Irini, Cyprus ). The shrine was therefore not created for a single celebratory moment. Its community of clay figures grew over centuries, figure by figure, prayer by prayer. Most of the approximately 2,000 statues and statuettes depict men, often as warriors or charioteers, alongside animals, hybrid creatures, and individual female figures arranged in a circle. Which deity was worshipped here remains unclear to this day—a definitive inscription is lacking, and while names such as Apollo or a deity related to the Phoenician Baal are discussed, they remain interpretations ( Land 2018: Extra-Urban and Rural Sanctuaries in Ancient Cyprus ). This open ending does not diminish the discovery for us. It prevents it from being prematurely forced into a familiar narrative. Why a large part of this collection is now in Sweden Anyone who sees the pictures from Stockholm rightly wonders why such a large part of a Cypriot sanctuary lies in Sweden. The answer lies in the colonial era: Cyprus was under British administration in 1929, and according to the system of sharing finds then in force, foreign expeditions were allowed to keep and export a portion of the excavated objects. According to a scholarly overview of the history of Cypriot collections, a total of 771 crates containing around 13,000 registered objects from the Swedish expedition were shipped to Stockholm in 1931, including a significant portion of the finds from Agia Irini ( Kyprios Character: Collections of Cypriote Antiquities in Foreign Museums ). Today, the Medelhavsmuseet displays approximately 1,000 figures in a reconstructed semicircular arrangement, as in the sanctuary itself ( Medelhavsmuseet: Cyprus - 7,000 years of history ). Further pieces are kept in the Cyprus Museum in Nicosia ( visitor's guide ), so the entire group of finds is distributed across several collections. Researchers at Lund University are therefore using three-dimensional scans to at least digitally reunite the separated collections. Just this spring, two votive statues from Agia Irini were also on loan to the Louvre in Paris as part of the cultural program for Cyprus's 2026 EU Council Presidency – a small testament to how far this island story has now traveled. This story cannot be concluded with a single word. The export took place within the framework of the laws in force at the time, and these laws were simultaneously part of a colonial order in which decision-making power was very unequally distributed. Cyprus legally abolished the division of archaeological finds in 1964 ( Department of Antiquities Cyprus: Historical Background ). Today, Agia Irini therefore serves as a reminder of two things simultaneously: the value of international research, which first evaluated and publicized this find, and the responsibility that remains with the possession of another country's cultural heritage. The digital reunification of the collection is more than a technical exercise for us - it shows what collaboration can look like today: as a shared access to a shared history, supported by respect for its origin. Is Agia Irini standing alone in this? No, and that doesn't make the story any less significant for us, but only more precise. Large groups of terracotta figurines are also known from other sites in the ancient world. Similar figures were placed as votive offerings in the Greek sanctuary of Aphaia on Aegina ( Journal of Greek Archaeology on Aphaia ). Extensive deposits of heads, body parts, human and animal figures are known from Etruscan sanctuaries in central Italy—one find complex from ancient Caere alone comprises more than 800 objects ( Phoebe A. Hearst Museum: The Etruscan Collection ). We also know of terracotta and masked figures from other sanctuaries in Cyprus itself, such as Kourion, Amathous and Athienou-Malloura. And then, of course, there is the comparison that immediately comes to mind: the Chinese Terracotta Army in the Mausoleum of the First Emperor Qin Shihuangdi, created in the 3rd century BC for the tomb of a single ruler ( UNESCO: Mausoleum of the First Qin Emperor ). Agia Irini is older, smaller in scale than most of its figures, and its religious significance is entirely different. No central state established a unified army here. Over a long period, many individuals brought individual offerings to an open sanctuary, one after the other, generation after generation. Agia Irini is not the only place in the world with a large number of terracotta figures. What is truly exceptional, perhaps without close parallel in the Mediterranean, is the combination: more than 2,000 figures in one place, their diverse sizes ranging from small votive offerings to nearly life-size statues, their striking individuality, the juxtaposition of warriors, charioteers, animals, and hybrid creatures, the community that has grown over centuries, and finally, their largely comprehensible arrangement around the sacred site. For us, the real wonder of Agia Irini lies less in a record than in this unusually complete glimpse into a religious space that would otherwise only be preserved in fragments. What the characters reveal about the island's culture First and foremost, they tell the story of an island of connections. Cyprus lay between the Aegean Sea, Anatolia, the Levant, and Egypt, and the Stockholm Museum describes its Cypriot collection accordingly as evidence of lasting contacts with these regions. On the island, however, such influences were not simply copied, but absorbed, transformed, and translated into a unique visual language – a skill that Agia Irini demonstrates particularly vividly, as images of warriors, bulls, hybrid creatures, and diverse production techniques converge without explicitly stating their origins. Cyprus appears here not as a peripheral region between larger cultures, but as a distinct center where forms, ideas, and people converged. The social life surrounding the sanctuary can also be cautiously gleaned. Analysis of the pottery suggests that people from various parts of the island visited the site, and simple vessels indicate communal eating and drinking as part of rituals. Agia Irini was therefore likely more than just the small cult site of a single village – rather a place that fostered encounters, made belonging visible, and strengthened relationships across local boundaries. The numerous male warrior figures likely point to notions of strength, protection, prestige, and masculine representation. Large figures were expensive, and those who donated such a gift also demonstrated their financial means. However, to conclude from this that the Cypriots were a thoroughly warlike society would be jumping to conclusions, especially since we don't associate them with that way of thinking: votive images are not a census, and the small number of female figures doesn't prove that women were hardly involved in the cult. A sanctuary primarily reveals what people wanted to present to a deity, not necessarily their entire daily lives. Who was allowed to appear here, who sculpted the faces, for which families or vows individual figures were created – all this remains for us one of the quiet, open questions that keep this find so vibrant. Even the traces of red and black paint remind us how much our image of antiquity is shaped by loss. What appears earthy and muted today was once colorful and vibrant. People spoke, ate, offered sacrifices, and hoped among the figures. Not a sound remains of any of that – but the fired clay does. An island that constantly has to reassemble its history. Agia Irini is located in the north of the island, which has been divided since 1974, while many of its figurines are located in the south and in Sweden. The actual archaeological site lies within a military exclusion zone and is currently inaccessible to both researchers and visitors. We don't want to make this geographical fragmentation into an overly simplistic political metaphor—ancient history cannot resolve the current Cyprus conflict. However, it can suggest one perspective: Cyprus's cultural heritage is older than its current borders and greater than any single narrative about the island. It belongs to the history of both Greek and Turkish Cypriot peoples, to the villages surrounding the archaeological sites, and simultaneously to a global public that wishes to preserve it. Research, digitization, joint exhibitions, and a fair approach to provenance and ownership can forge connections here without denying differences. More than 2,000 individual figures form a community in Agia Irini, without relinquishing their diversity. No two figures are alike, yet they all stand oriented towards a common center. This is precisely what keeps us drawn to this island: Cyprus rarely offers easy answers, but shows us time and again how much history can be contained in a single piece of land – and how clearly a clay society still speaks to us after two and a half millennia. In the following articles, we will explore what traces of this era can still be found around Kyrenia. As we repeatedly discover, this island still has several such silent societies to tell their stories. All our love, Samira & Marten Sources and further information Medelhavsmuseet: Cyprus - 7,000 years of history - Scope and presentation of the Stockholm collection, cultural connections of Cyprus. Lund University: The archaeological collection of Ayia Irini, Cyprus - Dating, character of the sanctuary and digital merging of the collection. Uppsala University: The Swedish Cyprus Expedition - Einar Gjerstad and the leadership of the expedition. Louvre: Chypre au Louvre (11.02.-22.06.2026) - Exhibition with two votive statues from Agia Irini as part of the Cypriot EU Council Presidency 2026. TALA Community News: Travelogue - Agia Irini village - current accessibility of the archaeological site in the military exclusion zone. Land 2018: Extra-Urban and Rural Sanctuaries in Ancient Cyprus - scientific classification of ritual, ceramics, centrality and imagery of Agia Irinis. The Cyprus Museum - Visitor's Guide - Classification of the finds in the Cyprus Museum in Nicosia. Department of Antiquities Cyprus: Historical Background - History of the law on antiquities and the abolition of the division of finds in 1964. Northern Cyprus in a nutshell - Agia Irini Kyprios Character: Collections of Cypriote Antiquities in Foreign Museums - Shipping and distribution of the finds of the Swedish expedition. UNESCO: Mausoleum of the First Qin Emperor - factual distinction from the Chinese Terracotta Army. Phoebe A. Hearst Museum: The Etruscan Collection - Comparison with a large Etruscan votive deposit from Caere. Journal of Greek Archaeology: Terracotta Figurines from the Temple of Aphaia on Aegina - Comparison with Greek votive figures.

Anyone who knows this island knows what an August day feels like here. The air is stagnant from early morning, the light becomes harsh, and by midday everyone who can disappears into the shadows. Paths are rerouted, fans run continuously, and those who have to work outdoors feel these weeks with their entire bodies. In the north of the island, the Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare has responded. A clear rule applies from August 5th to 15th: Between 12 pm and 4 pm, no outdoor work is permitted in direct sunlight. This primarily affects people working on construction sites, in agriculture, and in municipal services. Employers can schedule shifts for the early morning hours. This measure aims to prevent heatstroke and dehydration, as reported by Kıbrıs Postası. Even in the south, protective measures against thermal stress are in place. Water scarcity, high electricity demand, and the risk of forest fires are issues across the island, and the heat knows no boundaries. It doesn't care which side a field is on or what license plate a car has. It is precisely during these weeks that the political process begins to move again. An appointment that everyone has been waiting for. Nikos Christodoulides and Tufan Erhürman will meet on August 26 at 4 p.m. under the auspices of the United Nations. The two negotiators agreed to the meeting jointly. According to the Presidency of the Republic of Cyprus, the meeting is intended to prepare for a new, expanded conference and pick up where previous talks left off. The Cyprus Mail outlines the agreed framework and the convergences already achieved. We don't want to make this out to be more than it is. It's not yet another 5+1 conference, and no one should interpret it as meaning a solution is imminent. Following his visit at the end of July, António Guterres deliberately insisted on thorough preparation. He only wants to convene another round if it offers a genuine prospect of progress. The Associated Press describes how closely the UN Secretary-General now links a solution in Cyprus to the stability of the entire region. Three weeks remain until August 26th. Three weeks in which a good intention can become a viable foundation – or not. The political divides have not been bridged. Christodoulides speaks of continuing on a federal basis. In Turkish Cypriot politics, influential voices continue to cling to a two-state solution, and Erhürman must pursue his policy of dialogue in an environment that is by no means united behind him. In the south, too, parties, coalition interests, and old grievances limit the president's room for maneuver. Focusing solely on these contrasts can easily lead to discouragement. However, the hot summer shifts our attention to a second level: to tasks that are easier to solve together, and to collaborations that already exist in some form. Two networks that have known each other for a long time As temperatures rise, so does the demand for electricity. For the elderly, children, the sick, and many animals, cooling then becomes not a matter of comfort, but of health. At the same time, desalinating seawater requires a great deal of energy, and this water becomes increasingly important in dry years. Politically, Cyprus has two separate electricity systems. Technically, they have long been connected. At two points, in Athalassa near Nicosia and in Orounta near Morphou, the grids can exchange electricity. The basis for this dates back to 2015. In February 2025, following a power outage at the Dhekelia power plant, the north supplied electricity to the south; at other times, the north drew larger quantities from the south. The Cyprus Mail has documented how both sides draw electricity from each other as needed and settle accounts for the larger quantities. These power lines are silent proof for us of what is possible on this island. Where political systems operate separately, a practical connection can still provide security. During a heat wave, this means that a technical failure can be mitigated more easily before it becomes a real problem. A comprehensive agreement would place this cooperation on a completely different footing. Generation, storage, grid expansion, and emergency reserves could then be planned for the entire island, instead of providing assistance only when a power plant happens to fail. Solar power from one region would go where it is needed, and larger storage systems could absorb surpluses and release them again in the evening hours when the sun is setting and air conditioners are still running. This is not merely a vision of the future. The United Nations Development Programme has already commissioned a preliminary study for a bi-municipal solar power plant, which has been approved by both communities. The study examined a plant located in the buffer zone, from which both sides would benefit. The preferred solution, according to the study, is a 36-megawatt photovoltaic system with a battery storage capacity of three hours, with an estimated investment of approximately 50 million euros. This power plant has not yet been built. But the plan shows how the buffer zone, which for decades has primarily symbolized division, could become a place of shared supply. Water knows no island half The heat is driving up water consumption in households, hotels, and agriculture. At the same time, the natural supply decreases during prolonged dry periods. Desalination plants can stabilize the supply, but they require energy, and pipeline losses, irrigation, wastewater treatment, and the reuse of purified water necessitate ongoing planning and investment. In the south, the Nicosia district organization has just signed a letter of intent with the Israeli state water supplier Mekorot. The focus is on desalination, reuse, smart grids, wastewater management, and flood control. According to the Cyprus Mail, water losses, which currently amount to around 20 percent in the district, are also expected to decrease. This knowledge is valuable. Even more valuable would be a joint inventory for the entire island. Where is water seeping away in old pipes? Which reservoirs can withstand a prolonged drought? Where can treated wastewater be safely used for agriculture or green spaces? Which municipalities need new technology first? A political solution would create common rules, clear responsibilities, and easier access to major European programs. It could prevent the same technical questions from being investigated twice and separate facilities from being built without considering the needs of neighboring countries. Even without an agreement, meaningful work doesn't have to wait. That's precisely why the bi-municipal technical committees, jointly funded by both sides, were established. UNDP describes them as mechanisms that develop island-wide solutions to shared problems and build trust between the communities. Their areas of focus include the environment, health, crisis management, and economic issues. This foundation is already in place; it could be used much more decisively. When smoke rises from the mountain Dry vegetation, strong winds, and high temperatures create a dangerous mix in Cyprus. A fire doesn't discriminate based on the political jurisdiction of the hillside where it starts. Smoke drifts on, animals flee, and sparks fly across roads and fields. Joint protection begins with shared risk maps. Fire departments could agree on direct alarm routes, plan joint exercises, and know each other's water sources. Weather data, satellite images, and drone footage would be available more quickly in a shared operations center, especially near buffer zones or in hard-to-reach areas where every minute counts. The United Nations already promotes inter-municipal cooperation in environmental and crisis situations. Europe is also expanding its capacities. In February, the EU announced a rapid response force of 300 firefighters, and according to the Associated Press, a regional fire service base is also planned in Cyprus, which is intended to assist countries in the Middle East as well. An island that organizes regional aid should coordinate its own resources on both sides at least as closely. Practical arrangements for this can be made today. An agreement could lead to a permanent, joint disaster relief system. What a solution can and cannot do A political agreement won't make summers in Cyprus any cooler. It won't fill a reservoir, and it won't extinguish a fire on its own. Even a united state or two separate states, with a resolved situation, could jointly provide funding, modernize networks, enforce regulations, and treat their landscape with care. Many things would become simpler as a result. Joint planning could align investments with the island's actual needs. European funds could be used for projects that benefit both communities. Experts could exchange data without having to re-certify every instance of cooperation politically, and municipalities would have clearer points of contact. Electricity, water, healthcare, and disaster preparedness could then be considered as a cohesive system. Above all, the people on the island would feel that a solution would truly affect their daily lives. From the outside, the Cyprus question often appears as a tangled web of guarantees, territories, property rights, and constitutional models. These issues are real, and they are complex. Ultimately, however, their significance is revealed in the homes, businesses, schools, hospitals, and fields of the island. When the power goes out at 40 degrees Celsius, a reliable backup is crucial. When water becomes scarce, a functioning pipeline is essential. And when smoke rises from a mountainside, a phone call that reaches the right emergency services directly is vital. A round with solid ground underfoot August 26th could take the Cyprus process to the next level. To ensure it becomes more than just another diplomatic meeting, Christodoulides and Erhürman could link the major political issues with precisely these practical tasks. A joint heat and disaster preparedness plan would be a start. Existing power lines could be expanded and equipped with clear emergency procedures. The solar power plant in the buffer zone could move from the planning stage to a binding project phase. And an island-wide program to combat water loss would provide immediate relief to communities and households. None of these steps replaces a political solution. But each of them shows what collective action feels like when you allow it to happen. We have known this island and its people for years, and what always moves us is precisely this everyday closeness, which no political line can erase. We share the climate, the limited resources, and the concern for a landscape that has become home for many here. This closeness becomes especially apparent during hot weeks. This provides a clear direction for the upcoming talks: a political solution remains the goal, while cooperation grows where life has long demanded a common response. Thus, August 26th can initiate a process that combines negotiations with tangible improvements for people on both sides of the island. All love Samira & Marten Sources Cyprus Mail: Meeting between Christodoulides and Erhürman on August 26 Associated Press: Guterres and the regional significance of a Cyprus solution Kıbrıs Postası: Work break to protect against extreme heat UNDP: Preliminary study for a joint solar power plant with storage Cyprus Mail: existing electricity exchange between North and South UNDP: Support for the bi-municipal technical committees Cyprus Mail: Cooperation with Mekorot on water management Associated Press: European firefighting capacities and planned Cyprus base

Those who move to or frequently spend time in Northern Cyprus usually bring more than just suitcases. They have expectations, many practical questions, and the desire to find people with whom they can share a part of their daily lives. Setting up a new apartment takes a few days. Familiarity, on the other hand, requires encounters, and these rarely happen spontaneously. Especially in the first few weeks, small contacts can make a big difference. Someone knows a tradesperson, explains the next step with the authorities, or recommends a doctor who's easier to communicate with. A quick message might turn into a coffee. A few weeks later, you recognize the first faces in your own town – and for us, that's the real difference between emigrating to Northern Cyprus and simply moving. The island boasts a surprisingly diverse community. Turkish Cypriots, people from Turkey, Great Britain, Germany, Scandinavia, Eastern Europe, Africa, and many other regions live side by side and together here. Which network suits you best depends primarily on what you're looking for. The international community: The Foreign Residents One of the most established contact points for life in Northern Cyprus is the association [ The Foreign Residents in the TRNC ], or TFR for short. According to its own statements, it was founded in 1998 and is recognized as a non-profit organization. It now has more than 1,700 members from 44 countries. TFR combines social gatherings with practical support. The association provides information about the stay, health issues, and daily life on-site, and also organizes excursions, lectures, festivals, and a Canasta group. The "Ping Pal Buddy System," where people check in with each other regularly and look out for one another, is particularly valuable. Medical equipment can be borrowed on a temporary basis. Imagine you've just unpacked your boxes, don't know anyone in town, and are wondering what life as an expat in Northern Cyprus will even be like. Let's call her Elena – a woman in her late forties who moved to Esentepe alone. In the first few weeks, even grocery shopping and trips to the bank felt unfamiliar because there was no one she could quickly ask for help. Through a recommendation, she found her way to the Tuesday meetings of the TFR (Turkish Women's Forum) in Esentepe. She recounts: On her second visit, she was already addressing someone by their first name, and by her fourth, she had a Ping-Pal partner who has been in touch every week since – not out of obligation, but because something like a friendship had developed over time. For single women venturing into a new beginning in Northern Cyprus, this reliable little network can make all the difference between truly arriving and merely surviving. Getting started is easy. According to the current event calendar, there are regular meetings: - on the first and third Tuesday of each month from 2:30 pm to 4:30 pm at the Sivil Savunma Teşkilat Başkanlığı in Esentepe, - Wednesdays from 2:00 PM to 4:00 PM at Sultan's Restaurant in Çatalköy, - Fridays from 2:00 PM to 4:00 PM at the Blue Song Restaurant in Lapta. Membership is currently applied for in person at one of these meetings; the website states an annual fee of 150 TL. Dates and conditions are subject to change, so it's always worth checking the [ TFR website ] before your first visit. German-speaking contacts in Northern Cyprus Speaking your own language provides a sense of security at the beginning. In a German-speaking group, experiences regarding accommodation, vehicles, insurance, schools, medical care, and everyday routines are easier to understand, and often this is where the first personal network develops. The [ German Community of Northern Cyprus ] describes regular monthly meetings at various locations: joint brunches, traditional meze evenings, and seasonal events. According to the community, current invitations are published in their Facebook group. This is where we bring in a second couple we frequently encounter in our work: Let's call them Ingrid and Thomas, a married couple in their early seventies who have been living in Alsancak for several years. For them, the language wasn't the main issue, but rather the question of what to do with their time in retirement when the familiar structures of their working lives suddenly disappeared. A brunch organized by the German Community of Northern Cyprus led them to another couple from the same region in Germany – now both couples spend every other Sunday together at the seaside, and through this connection, Thomas has found his place in a hiking group. For a married couple in the second half of their lives, this is often precisely what matters: developing new rituals together that truly make retirement in Northern Cyprus a unique chapter in their lives. The page [ InfoNorthCyprus ] also lists other Facebook groups for foreign residents, including "North Cyprus Fan Group" and "Germans in North Cyprus, Expats and Long-Term Vacationers". Before joining, it's worth taking a look at the group rules, recent posts, and the administrators. A German-speaking network is particularly helpful when a specific question arises urgently. For a lasting sense of belonging, it's also worthwhile to connect with neighbors and the international community, so that your daily life in Northern Cyprus remains open to the many cultures that shape this place. Telegram: fast, international and topic-specific Telegram groups and channels usually work faster than traditional forums. Some spread news, others serve as a platform for open exchange about events, services, transportation, or life as a foreign resident. The public channel [ Northern Cyprus News ], according to its own description, is aimed at students, foreign residents, and expats. There, users can share tips and current observations from Northern Cyprus. [ Search North Cyprus ] also publishes information in English about daily life, weather, offers, and services. WhatsApp groups: close to everyday life Many social connections in everyday life in Northern Cyprus are organized via WhatsApp. There are neighborhood groups, apartment complex chats, parent groups, hiking groups, animal welfare networks, sports clubs, and private groups for German- or English-speaking residents. Such groups are often deliberately not publicly listed; access is gained through neighbors, clubs, schools, restaurants, or an initial personal meeting. This restraint protects members: A public invitation link makes phone numbers and profile information visible to many strangers. Therefore, we deliberately list the relevant contact points here instead of individual private links, which, in any case, could only be published with the explicit consent of the respective administrators. Anyone joining such a group would be well advised to read along for a while first, respect the group's purpose, be sparing with advertising, and treat others' personal information confidentially. A friendly introduction including your region of residence and your own interests usually opens more doors than a long list of questions on the first day. Encounters beyond the telephone Digital groups make it easier to get started. Community then grows in real-world settings. A club afternoon, a hike, a language course, or helping with a local project brings together people who already have something in common before they even really know each other. In Girne and along the coast, you'll find sports clubs, golf and hiking groups, cultural initiatives, animal welfare organizations, and charitable projects. Local communities often announce events via their websites and social media, and restaurants and cafes frequently serve as informal meeting places. Those who attend regularly will eventually become familiar faces. Even a few Turkish words can be more helpful than you might initially think. A greeting, a thank you, or an inquiry about someone's well-being can transform a relationship by demonstrating interest in the place and its people. No one has to forgo the familiar German-speaking community for this – closeness through one's own language and openness to local life complement each other; they are not mutually exclusive. How to find the right community A good starting point is your own region. Those living in Esentepe or Çatalköy are best advised to attend one of the TFR meetings in the east of the island. For Lapta and Alsancak, the western meeting point is recommended. German-speaking residents can find initial contacts through the German Community of Northern Cyprus and the aforementioned Facebook groups before venturing further into the international community. Telegram provides a quick overview of English-language news and public discussions. Private WhatsApp groups are usually only opened after a personal meeting – and this order has a pleasant side effect: you already know someone before sharing your phone number with an entire group. You can recognize a helpful community by its tone. Questions are welcome, different experiences are shared, and advertising remains manageable. Good groups openly state who runs them and what their purpose is. They don't promise shortcuts regarding residency rights, health, or investments. A home can grow from contacts. Arriving in Northern Cyprus rarely happens in a single day. It develops through recurring paths, familiar voices, and people helping one another – whether it's a single woman finding her first Ping-Pal partner through a Tuesday meeting, or a married couple who become part of a hiking group over brunch. The sea and the mountains give the island its character. Community provides stability to the new daily routine. Some journeys begin with a Telegram message and later lead to a meeting in Esentepe, Çatalköy, or Lapta. The crucial step is moving from reading to meeting in person. In the next article, we'll look at which official procedures actually need to be completed in the first few weeks—a topic where these very contacts often make the biggest difference. If you don't want to miss any posts: You can subscribe to our newsletter further down this page, then every new update from Northern Cyprus will come directly to you. The best communities for Northern Cyprus Anyone who wants to emigrate to Northern Cyprus, already lives on the island, or simply wants to exchange ideas with other interested people will find a lot of helpful information, experiences, and contacts in the following Facebook groups and communities. 🇩🇪 German-speaking Facebook groups Germans in Northern Cyprus – Emigrants & Long-Term Vacationers One of the largest German-speaking communities for emigrants, long-term holidaymakers and anyone interested in life in Northern Cyprus. 👉 https://www.facebook.com/groups/DeutscheAufNordZypern Northern Cyprus Fan Group Open exchange about travel, emigration, real estate, everyday life and life in Northern Cyprus. 👉 https://www.facebook.com/groups/NordzypernFanGruppe 🌍 International Facebook groups North Cyprus Expats Group One of the largest international expat groups with daily posts about authorities, visas, doctors, tradespeople, real estate and life on the island. 👉 https://www.facebook.com/groups/NorthCyprusExpats 🤝 Community Associations & Networks The Foreign Residents in the TRNC (TFR) Probably the best-known association for international residents of Northern Cyprus. In addition to an active community, TFR regularly organizes meetings and events and offers a wealth of information for newcomers. 🌐 https://tfrnorthcyprus.com/ Membership information: 👉 https://tfrnorthcyprus.com/about-tfr/ German Community Northern Cyprus A German-speaking community with regular meetings, events and personal exchange. 🌐 https://www.deutschecommunitynordzypern.com/ueber-uns 📚 Other helpful platforms InfoNorthCyprus A comprehensive collection of the most important Facebook groups, associations and communities around Northern Cyprus. 🌐 https://nb.infonorthcyprus.com/facebook-groups Expat.com – Northern Cyprus Forum International forum for emigrants with many personal accounts and questions about life in Northern Cyprus. 🌐 https://www.expat.com/en/forum/europe/cyprus/north-cyprus/ 📲 Telegram channels about Cyprus for everyone – whether from North or South Cyprus An open German-speaking community and network for everyone interested in all of Cyprus. Motto: "We bring all sensible people together." 👉 https://tinyurl.com/CyprusForAll Northern Cyprus News Latest news and developments from Northern Cyprus. 👉 https://t.me/NorthCyprusnews Search North Cyprus Telegram channel with information, offers and news about Northern Cyprus. 👉 https://t.me/s/searchnorthcyprus *Editorial note: Elena, Ingrid and Thomas are not real names, but typical examples from stories we hear again and again - this allows us to show real experiences without revealing the privacy of individuals.

Yesterday we told you about the school in Esentepe and why the Turkish Cypriot side is approaching new rounds of talks with some caution. Today, on the third day of his visit, António Guterres sat down with Tufan Erhürman and Nikos Christodoulides for the first time as a trio. His initial outcome sounded rather sobering: He is prepared to convene a new meeting in the 5+1 format, together with the guarantor powers Turkey, Greece, and Great Britain – but only after sufficient preparatory work has been done. He did not specify a date (AP, UN Web TV). Those familiar with our article on the Guterres Models will expect precisely this restraint. The larger-scale approach will only emerge once smaller steps have proven viable. However, what particularly strikes us today is something that hardly any headline specifically mentions: almost simultaneously with the visit, new energy corridors have been developed on both sides of the island. And these corridors perhaps reveal more about the political landscape than it initially appears. Two lines, one sea On July 10, Turkey and Northern Cyprus signed a memorandum of understanding for a gas pipeline across the Mediterranean. It is planned to run from Anamur on the Turkish coast to the Teknecik power station near Kyrenia, a distance of 101 kilometers, 97 of which will be underwater. It will consist of two pipes, each 22 inches in diameter. Imagine the route: from the Turkish Riviera, it crosses the open sea and comes ashore where the coastal road east of Kyrenia gradually transitions into a more rural landscape – precisely the area through which the road to Esentepe also runs. Turkish gas is initially intended to secure electricity and heat for Northern Cyprus and reduce its dependence on liquid fuels. However, one detail warrants closer examination: the pipeline is designed for bidirectional flow. Turkish Energy Minister Alparslan Bayraktar stated that gas could later flow from Cyprus to Europe via Turkey (Anadolu Agency). Julian Bowden of the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies points out that the planned capacity significantly exceeds Northern Cyprus's needs – an indication that a potential export function is being considered once policymakers and operators reach an agreement (Anadolu Agency). Meanwhile, a second route is taking shape south of the island. Eighteen days after the Turkish-North Cypriot memorandum, Eni and TotalEnergies announced their final investment decision for the Kronos gas field, containing more than three trillion cubic feet of gas. Production is slated to begin in 2028, with transport via the existing Zohr facilities in Egypt and from there onward to Europe as liquefied natural gas (LNG) (Eni, TotalEnergies). Kronos is not a sudden development: the field was discovered in 2022, further evaluated in 2024, and in February 2025, Cyprus, Egypt, and the companies involved had already agreed on the future transport route. The decision of July 28th thus concludes a multi-year process; it is not the result of a single visit. The government of the Republic of Cyprus has explicitly condemned the Turkish-North Cypriot memorandum (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cyprus). This publicly presents two firmly opposing positions: on the one hand, sovereign energy security for Northern Cyprus, and on the other, the internationally recognized jurisdiction of the Republic of Cyprus over its maritime territories. No joint agreement between North and South is known, nor is there any evidence for one – anyone claiming that Guterres helped negotiate the Kronos Agreement during his visit is confusing temporal proximity with causation. The silent question behind the loud rejection And yet, one observation remains that is difficult to ignore: Guterres would hardly be preparing a 5+1 meeting if he hadn't discerned any common ground between the parties in recent weeks. He knows the failure of Crans-Montana from his own experience and won't lightly invite everyone to the table again. Perhaps the real agreement doesn't lie in a document at all, but in a quiet coexistence: Northern Cyprus is building its energy future with Turkey, the Republic of Cyprus with Egypt, Eni, and TotalEnergies – and as long as neither side effectively hinders the other's infrastructure, there remains room for both simultaneously. This would not contradict the Guterres model we described the day before yesterday, but rather be its logical continuation: first small, self-contained steps that build trust before the larger solution is even up for discussion. The only difference is that this time the steps don't consist of crossings or solar installations in the buffer zone, but of pipes and investment decisions. What this could mean for people on both sides Political equality is a powerful concept that often feels very concrete for Turkish Cypriots: Will they be involved in decisions that affect their future, or merely informed about them? If both energy pathways are allowed to coexist without either side having to abandon its partners, the result could be more than just cheaper electricity in Kyrenia or export revenues in the south. It could create the possibility of future joint projects in electricity, water, or renewable energy, without each individual decision having to wait for a complete political solution. We don't want to overstate this interpretation. It's a hypothesis, based on the timeline, the bidirectional interpretation of the Northern Line, and Guterres's willingness to adopt a new format – nothing more. A document confirming such a tacit agreement doesn't exist and probably never will, even if it does. What we will be paying attention to in the coming days Whether this observation will lead to more will be revealed by small signals: Will political rejection persist while projects on both sides continue unhindered? Will Holguín receive a concrete task for the next meeting after this visit? And will a working group on energy or revenue sharing eventually appear on the agenda? Equally important to us would be a visible answer to the question of how the Turkish Cypriot community can participate in the island's economic opportunities – a joint fund or guaranteed utility rights would be a first, tangible indication. Guterres departs without leaving a finalized plan. The goal is 5+1 talks (Model V). Perhaps two separate paths under the same sea will converge long before the political establishment officially announces it. Or, to put it another way, if the people and politicians on the island can't yet reach an agreement, perhaps the energy supply on the seabed off Cyprus can? If you don't want to miss an episode this week: You can subscribe to our newsletter further down this page, then every new update from Northern Cyprus will come directly to you. Sources: AP, UN Web TV, Anadolu Agency (technical data), Anadolu Agency (export function), Eni, TotalEnergies, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cyprus, and our own articles from July 27 and July 26.